{"id":128930,"date":"2026-01-16T08:50:24","date_gmt":"2026-01-16T13:50:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/?p=128930"},"modified":"2026-01-17T14:45:48","modified_gmt":"2026-01-17T19:45:48","slug":"preserving-nato-prohibiting-military-action-greenland","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/128930\/preserving-nato-prohibiting-military-action-greenland\/","title":{"rendered":"How Congress Can Preserve NATO and Greenland: Using 22 USC 1928f to Protect the Peace"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Trump administration\u2019s use of thuggery in the pursuit of its domestic and international objectives has arguably reached its foreign apex, to date, in the repeated threats to acquire Greenland by the use of military force or, alternatively, coercive negotiations. As President Donald Trump <\/span>stated<\/span><\/a> on Jan. 9, \u201cI would like to make a deal the easy way, but if we don\u2019t do it the easy way, we\u2019re going to do it the hard way.\u201d After the audacious and tactically successful capture and rendition of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, no one doubts the seriousness of the threat or that it could happen <\/span>quickly<\/span><\/a>, perhaps within weeks or months.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The Maduro capture gives credence to Trump\u2019s own subsequent boast that when he is exercising his commander in chief authority, he is constrained by no law, but only by <\/span>“his own morality”<\/span><\/a> \u2013 whatever that might be. Indeed, Maduro\u2019s capture constituted an act of military aggression and the initiation of an <\/span>international armed conflict<\/span><\/a>, all in violation of the U.N. Charter\u2019s prohibition against the non-authorized use of force. It also runs against more than 80 years of U.S. post-war diplomacy designed primarily to create and reinforce a rules-based international order geared to the prevention of war. In ordering the capture, Trump also disregarded <\/span>Congress\u2019s constitutional authority<\/span><\/a> to declare war and the related consultation requirements imposed by the <\/span>War Powers Act<\/span><\/a>. His statements regarding Greenland constitute clear signals of his determination to continue with his scofflaw behavior.<\/span><\/p>\n

Unfortunately for Trump\u2019s imperial ambitions \u2013 but fortunately for the rule of law, the U.S. national interest, and international stability \u2013 Trump\u2019s ability to execute any act of military aggression against Greenland is constrained by an additional statute: <\/span>22 U.S.C. 1928f<\/span><\/a>. This statute \u2013 which was not applicable to Venezuela because it is not a NATO member — was adopted by Congress pursuant to Section 1250A of the 2024 National Defense Authorization Act and was designed to prohibit the president from materially altering the U.S. government\u2019s relationship with NATO and the North Atlantic Treaty (the diplomatic instrument that gave rise to NATO) without prior congressional approval.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

How Section 1928f Applies to the Use of Force against Greenland<\/b><\/h2>\n

In addition to its consultation and notification requirements, the statute \u2013 which is titled \u201cLimitation on Withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization\u201d \u2013 contains two principal provisions: first, as the title implies, a broad prohibition against withdrawal from NATO or taking other analogous steps that would materially damage the U.S. relationship with the organization and, second (and critically), a limitation on the use of appropriated funds such that the president would be precluded from using such funds to implement the actions prohibited by the statute.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The <\/span>texts<\/span><\/a> of these two provisions are the following:<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a7 1928f. Limitation on withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization<\/b><\/p>\n

(a) Opposition of Congress to suspension, termination, denunciation, or withdrawal from North Atlantic Treaty<\/b><\/p>\n

The President shall not suspend, terminate, denounce, or withdraw the United States from the North Atlantic Treaty, done at Washington, DC, April 4, 1949, except by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided that two-thirds of the Senators present concur, or pursuant to an Act of Congress.<\/span><\/p>\n

(b) Limitation on the use of funds<\/b><\/p>\n

No funds authorized or appropriated by any Act may be used to support, directly or indirectly, any decision on the part of any United States Government official to suspend, terminate, denounce, or withdraw the United States from the North Atlantic Treaty, done at Washington, DC, April 4, 1949, except by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided that two-thirds of the Senators present concur, or pursuant to an Act of Congress.<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The applicability of this statute stems from Greenland\u2019s status as an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark and Denmark\u2019s status as a member of NATO. As Mike Schmitt has <\/span>explained<\/span><\/a>, <\/span>\u201c[i]t is clear that Greenland falls within the geographical coverage of Article 5.\u201d<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

While the administration will undoubtedly claim that, because it has no intent to formally \u201cwithdraw\u201d from the North Atlantic Treaty, the statute is not applicable to the current situation, this assertion would be false. A U.S. attempt to seize Greenland militarily would constitute an attack on Denmark and, through the operation of <\/span>Article 5<\/span><\/a> of the North Atlantic Treaty, an attack on each of the other 30 NATO members (excluding of course the U.S.). Not only would this attack instantaneously breach, either directly or constructively, each of the four prohibitions in clause (a) of Sec. 1928f (meaning it would invariably constitute or lead to the suspension, termination, denunciation, and withdrawal of the U.S. from the Treaty), it would necessarily also lead to the <\/span>destruction<\/span><\/a> of the organization in its current form as the U.S. wages war on our former allies.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Because these consequences are inevitable, any order by President Trump to launch an attack on Greenland necessarily triggers the automatic cutoff of authorized or appropriated funds that would be required to execute the assault. In addition, because the administration has clearly not only engaged in \u201cdeliberation\u201d about taking military action against Denmark and NATO, but, indeed, has reportedly already ordered that military planning be <\/span>initiated<\/span><\/a>, the consultation and notification requirements of Sec.1928f have already been triggered.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The consultation and notification requirements are:<\/span><\/p>\n

(c) Notification of Treaty action<\/b><\/p>\n

(1) Consultation<\/strong><\/p>\n

Prior to the notification described in paragraph (2), the President shall consult with the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives in relation to any initiative to suspend, terminate, denounce, or withdraw the United States from the North Atlantic Treaty.<\/p>\n

(2) Notification<\/b><\/p>\n

The President shall notify the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives in writing of any deliberation or decision to suspend, terminate, denounce, or withdraw the United States from the North Atlantic Treaty, as soon as possible but in no event later than 180 days prior to taking such action. [Emphasis added.]<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

It has not been reported that the Trump administration has yet complied with either of these two statutory requirements. If that is the case, it is already in breach of them.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Constitutional Dimension<\/b><\/h2>\n

The division of constitutional authorities between Congress and the Executive in foreign affairs, including the authority to withdraw from treaties (on which the Constitution is silent), has historically been a matter of legal dispute between the two political branches. While this is a complex topic and the executive branch has been accorded great deference in the post-ratification management of treaties, with respect to the North Atlantic Treaty there is a strong argument that Congress\u2019 assertion of a measure of legislative control so as to protect the U.S.-NATO relationship should be given preeminence over the administration\u2019s intent to destroy the organization.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

First, Congress has a long history of deep and consistent legislative involvement in the U.S.\u2013NATO relationship generally and with the North Atlantic Treaty specifically. Second, according to the <\/span>Congressional Research Service<\/span><\/a> in a Jan. 6, 2025, Legal Sidebar, the enactment of Section 1928f \u201cis the first statute in which Congress has prohibited unilateral presidential withdrawal from a treaty.\u201d And third, Congress has coupled its treaty termination prohibition with the Section 1928f(b) limitation of funds provision, thus coupling its unchallengeable constitutional power of the purse with the legislation designed to protect NATO.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

These factors led the CRS to conclude that if the Trump administration were to refuse compliance with the Section, it may well find that its presidential power relative to that of Congress is at “<\/span>at its lowest ebb<\/span><\/a>” under the <\/span>Youngstown<\/span><\/i> framework. Thus, if Congress were to seek to challenge Trump\u2019s aggressive designs on Greenland, the invocation of Section 1928f would provide a strong foundation for the challenge.<\/span><\/p>\n

Moreover, as practitioners and scholars have argued, the North Atlantic Treaty\u2019s status as an advice-and-consent treaty and its subject matter also counsel towards <\/span>congressional authority<\/span><\/a> to regulate withdrawal, suspension, or denunciation:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

As the <\/span>North Atlantic Treaty<\/span><\/a> is an Article II treaty adopted with two-thirds approval by the Senate, requiring congressional authorization for withdrawal places limitations on withdrawal that are consistent with the degree of authorization needed to enter the treaty. Such limits are also consistent with the subject matter of the treaty, which relates to the war powers shared between <\/span>Congress<\/span><\/a> and <\/span>the president<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The Reaction of Denmark, Greenland, and Other European Countries<\/b><\/h2>\n

The governments of both Denmark and Greenland have repeatedly stated that they oppose the annexation or sale of Greenland to the United States, a stand that is reinforced by a large majority of the public, as evidenced by public opinion polls in <\/span>both countries<\/span><\/a>. In addition, Denmark has announced that it is <\/span>bolstering<\/span><\/a> its military presence in Greenland and will consult with European allies to potentially solicit additional military support. <\/span>Sweden, France, and Germany<\/span><\/a> have already sent troops and the <\/span>U.K<\/span><\/a>. is considering it. Other EU-member countries, such as <\/span>Spain<\/span><\/a> and <\/span>Italy<\/span><\/a>, while not yet committing troops to Greenland have condemned the threatened aggression.<\/span><\/p>\n

Danish authorities have stated that they would <\/span>fight back<\/span><\/a> if invaded.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The Foreign Policy and National Security Dimensions<\/b><\/h2>\n

The repercussions of Trump\u2019s threats against Greenland and Denmark have already been severe inasmuch as they have demonstrated to NATO and all other European nations that the United States cannot be trusted as an ally, partner, or even a good neighbor; and, worse, that the United States actually presents a military threat.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Should the United States actually seek to accomplish its Greenland landgrab, the consequences would be infinitely worse. With NATO shattered, the European Union \u2013 along with the U.K. and Canada \u2013 would likely react by summarily: terminating all military and intelligence cooperation; closing its airspace to U.S. flights; terminating all U.S. basing rights in their territories; detaining and disarming all U.S. military personnel and assuming custody of all U.S. military equipment; and interning all U.S. intelligence, diplomatic, and other personnel.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Beyond those immediate security consequences, economic sanctions would be levied quickly, financial cooperation and European investment in U.S. debt instruments would plummet, and Europe would seek to lessen its dependency on the dollar. Sales of U.S. products or services to Europe would sharply decline, including sales of military weapons, and the U.S. defense industry would shrink. Tourism in both directions would also decrease. There will be global economic repercussions as well. And this would only be the start.<\/span><\/p>\n

As harmful as these security and economic countermeasures may be to the United States, the negative impact of U.S. aggression may even be worse across the Atlantic. Beyond the damage to Denmark, the most immediate impact will be felt in Ukraine and Europe as a whole. While President Trump insists that U.S. possession of Greenland is imperative for the protection of the U.S. and Europe from encroachments by China and Russia, that claim is bogus.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In business terms, the value proposition that President Trump seems to be advancing is the following: The United States will acquire Greenland, which although vast, is barren and frozen, for the costs of waging a war of aggression on Denmark and Greenland; destroying NATO; severing our economic, military, and political relationship with the EU, the U.K., and Canada; enduring economic and commercial sanctions; and abandoning the heretofore fruitful collaborative effort to build a rules-based international order. If this is the proposed deal, most Americans will have no trouble concluding that it is a fool\u2019s bargain, particularly from a security standpoint.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

To be clear, the principal beneficiary of Trump\u2019s aggression will be Russia, which will no longer have to contend with NATO\u2019s defensive barrier. What Trump has actually done by threatening Greenland and Denmark is to open up a \u201csecond front\u201d to help relieve the pressure on Russia\u2019s military, finances, and society created by Ukraine\u2019s stout defense of its sovereignty and by the growing European support for Ukraine. Trump\u2019s threats to Greenland both complicate Ukraine\u2019s effort to strengthen its supply chains to compensate for the decrease in American support and Europe\u2019s effort to rebuild its own military (in light of the growing U.S. indifference to Europe) and to simultaneously increase its level of support to Ukraine.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Ironically, Trump\u2019s second front mirrors the second front launched by Roosevelt and Churchill during the Second World War, with the difference being that the Allies launched D-Day to help save democracy while Trump\u2019s assault is designed to advance autocratic objectives that are inimical to America\u2019s national interest but congenial to Russia\u2019s imperial ambitions. If Russia continues to advance, Europe may well be faced with the very difficult choice of allowing Russia to absorb Ukraine or, instead, to integrate Ukraine and its very capable military into Europe and enter into the defensive war against Russia on Ukraine\u2019s side. This could spiral into an even more dangerous global war. If it does, the Trump administration will share a very large portion of the blame.<\/span><\/p>\n

Conclusion and Recommendation<\/b><\/h2>\n

President Trump\u2019s threats of military aggression towards Greenland and Denmark are madness. If carried through they will betray American values, make the world less safe, shatter NATO, destroy our historic relationship with our European partners, and cause other incalculable damage to the U.S. national interest. Congress should immediately wrestle from the president his power to launch his threatened unprovoked, unauthorized, and pointless war of aggression against NATO. It can do so by depriving him of the financial means to do so by triggering the application of 22 USC 1928f and ensuring that the administration complies with its requirements.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Trump\u2019s threats to invade Greenland risk destroying NATO itself, but a little-known statute, 22 U.S.C. 1928f, could prevent him from doing just that.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3462,"featured_media":128945,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[43206,10,2763,2715,43214,2727,41740,2458,17019],"tags":[1157,257,1355,1013,217,1228,2336,43264,128,379,1142,398,43174,881,1788],"coauthors":[43692],"class_list":["post-128930","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-armed-conflict","category-congress","category-diplomacy","category-executive-branch","category-international-law","category-military","category-nato","category-un-charter","category-use-of-force","tag-congressional-authorization","tag-congressional-oversight","tag-constitution","tag-denmark","tag-diplomacy","tag-executive-power","tag-foreign-policy","tag-greenland","tag-military","tag-national-defense-authorization-act-ndaa","tag-nato","tag-treaties","tag-trump-administration-second-term","tag-un-charter","tag-war-powers"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nPreserving NATO; Prohibiting Military Action Against Greenland<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Trump\u2019s threats to invade Greenland risk destroying NATO itself, but a little-known statute could prevent him from doing just that.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/128930\/preserving-nato-prohibiting-military-action-greenland\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Preserving NATO; Prohibiting Military Action Against Greenland\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Trump\u2019s threats to invade Greenland risk destroying NATO itself, but a little-known statute could prevent him from doing just that.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/128930\/preserving-nato-prohibiting-military-action-greenland\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Just Security\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/JSBlog\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-01-16T13:50:24+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-01-17T19:45:48+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/GettyImages-2255807070.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1920\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"1280\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Alberto J. 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We publish rigorous, expert analysis and informational resources on the issues that matter most. Our goals are to inform and empower decision-makers with high-quality analysis, foster informed dialogue on challenging issues, and remain accessible to our global audience. Just Security is an essential resource for those shaping a just and secure world. Just Security is based at the Reiss Center on Law and Security at New York University School of Law.\",\"email\":\"info@justsecurity.org\",\"legalName\":\"Just Security\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/#\/schema\/person\/6780692235b30ef3e6723263d0b1cafc\",\"name\":\"Alberto J. Mora\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/37b2ae4d1386e80cacd9ca39a169cb13\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/1427986bab23d61a678301e7db0c583bfe8e830cb7436fbba3c2c68d93646c9b?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/1427986bab23d61a678301e7db0c583bfe8e830cb7436fbba3c2c68d93646c9b?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Alberto J. Mora\"},\"description\":\"Prior to his retirement in 2022, Mora was the American Bar Association\u2019s Associate Executive Director for Global Programs. In this capacity, he directed the ABA\u2019s global Rule of Law Initiative, oversaw the ABA\u2019s Human Rights Center, and coordinated he ABA\u2019s relationship with the United Nations and specialized agencies and functions.\u00a0 These responsibilities entailed the management of approximately 500 staff members based in Washington, D.C. and active in more than 50 countries. He joined the ABA from the Harvard Kennedy School, where he was a resident Senior Fellow at the Carr-Ryan Center for Human Rights policy from 2015 to 2018, a relationship he maintained as a non-resident fellow from 2018 to 2020. At the Kennedy School, Mora led a three-year research program to assess the policy costs and consequences of the U.S. use of torture in the war on terror and taught a graduate-level course on this subject. In 2014, Mora was an Advanced Leadership Fellow at Harvard. A practicing attorney since 1982, Mora served as the General Counsel of the Department of the Navy from 2001 to 2006. As the chief legal officer for both the Navy and Marine Corps, he managed more than 640 attorneys and personnel across 146 offices throughout the United States and overseas and supervised elements of the Navy\u2019s Judge Advocate General Corps and the Marine Corps Staff Judge Advocates. Additionally, he served as the Reporting Senior of the Naval Criminal Investigative Service, as the Department\u2019s Chief Ethics Officer and, on (brief) occasions, as Acting Secretary of the Navy. In addition to his service with the Navy, Mora\u2019s other government service includes service in the U.S. State Department as a Foreign Service Officer, as General Counsel of the United States Information Agency in the George H.W. Bush administration, and as a member of the Broadcasting Board of Governors in the Clinton administration. Prior to his Harvard fellowship, Mora was employed as the General Counsel of Walmart International and of Mars, Incorporated, the world\u2019s third-largest food company. A private, family-owned company founded in 1911, at the time of Mora\u2019s tenure, Mars employed more than 73,000 associates located at over 230 sites, operated 135 factories in 68 countries, and generated global revenues of more than $33 billion annually. At both companies, Mora designed, deployed, and managed the company\u2019s international compliance systems. Mora began his legal career in Miami, Florida, as a civil trial lawyer. He was a partner in Holland & Knight and, before joining the Navy, was of counsel to Greenberg Traurig. Mora holds a bachelor\u2019s degree and Honorary Doctorate from Swarthmore College and a law degree from the University of Miami School of Law. A member of the Council of Foreign Relations, he has sat on the Board of Directors of Human Rights First, Freedom House, and the International Law Institute. He currently sits on the Boards of the Center for Ethics and the Rule of Law at the University of Pennsylvania and is on the advisory boards of the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation and the Center for Victims of Torture. He is the author of multiple op-eds, articles, and speeches, among which is \u201cThe Strategic Costs of Torture,\u201d Foreign Affairs (Sept\/Oct 2016). Among other honors and recognitions, Mora was awarded the John F. Kennedy Memorial Foundation\u2019s Profile in Courage Award in 2006 in recognition of his consistent opposition while serving as Navy General Counsel to the cruel interrogation of detainees in the post-9\/11 period. His detainee-related activities at the Navy have been widely reported in periodicals, books and documentaries. 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We publish rigorous, expert analysis and informational resources on the issues that matter most. Our goals are to inform and empower decision-makers with high-quality analysis, foster informed dialogue on challenging issues, and remain accessible to our global audience. Just Security is an essential resource for those shaping a just and secure world. Just Security is based at the Reiss Center on Law and Security at New York University School of Law.","email":"info@justsecurity.org","legalName":"Just Security"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/#\/schema\/person\/6780692235b30ef3e6723263d0b1cafc","name":"Alberto J. Mora","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/37b2ae4d1386e80cacd9ca39a169cb13","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/1427986bab23d61a678301e7db0c583bfe8e830cb7436fbba3c2c68d93646c9b?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/1427986bab23d61a678301e7db0c583bfe8e830cb7436fbba3c2c68d93646c9b?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Alberto J. Mora"},"description":"Prior to his retirement in 2022, Mora was the American Bar Association\u2019s Associate Executive Director for Global Programs. In this capacity, he directed the ABA\u2019s global Rule of Law Initiative, oversaw the ABA\u2019s Human Rights Center, and coordinated he ABA\u2019s relationship with the United Nations and specialized agencies and functions.\u00a0 These responsibilities entailed the management of approximately 500 staff members based in Washington, D.C. and active in more than 50 countries. He joined the ABA from the Harvard Kennedy School, where he was a resident Senior Fellow at the Carr-Ryan Center for Human Rights policy from 2015 to 2018, a relationship he maintained as a non-resident fellow from 2018 to 2020. At the Kennedy School, Mora led a three-year research program to assess the policy costs and consequences of the U.S. use of torture in the war on terror and taught a graduate-level course on this subject. In 2014, Mora was an Advanced Leadership Fellow at Harvard. A practicing attorney since 1982, Mora served as the General Counsel of the Department of the Navy from 2001 to 2006. As the chief legal officer for both the Navy and Marine Corps, he managed more than 640 attorneys and personnel across 146 offices throughout the United States and overseas and supervised elements of the Navy\u2019s Judge Advocate General Corps and the Marine Corps Staff Judge Advocates. Additionally, he served as the Reporting Senior of the Naval Criminal Investigative Service, as the Department\u2019s Chief Ethics Officer and, on (brief) occasions, as Acting Secretary of the Navy. In addition to his service with the Navy, Mora\u2019s other government service includes service in the U.S. State Department as a Foreign Service Officer, as General Counsel of the United States Information Agency in the George H.W. Bush administration, and as a member of the Broadcasting Board of Governors in the Clinton administration. Prior to his Harvard fellowship, Mora was employed as the General Counsel of Walmart International and of Mars, Incorporated, the world\u2019s third-largest food company. A private, family-owned company founded in 1911, at the time of Mora\u2019s tenure, Mars employed more than 73,000 associates located at over 230 sites, operated 135 factories in 68 countries, and generated global revenues of more than $33 billion annually. At both companies, Mora designed, deployed, and managed the company\u2019s international compliance systems. Mora began his legal career in Miami, Florida, as a civil trial lawyer. He was a partner in Holland & Knight and, before joining the Navy, was of counsel to Greenberg Traurig. Mora holds a bachelor\u2019s degree and Honorary Doctorate from Swarthmore College and a law degree from the University of Miami School of Law. A member of the Council of Foreign Relations, he has sat on the Board of Directors of Human Rights First, Freedom House, and the International Law Institute. He currently sits on the Boards of the Center for Ethics and the Rule of Law at the University of Pennsylvania and is on the advisory boards of the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation and the Center for Victims of Torture. He is the author of multiple op-eds, articles, and speeches, among which is \u201cThe Strategic Costs of Torture,\u201d Foreign Affairs (Sept\/Oct 2016). Among other honors and recognitions, Mora was awarded the John F. Kennedy Memorial Foundation\u2019s Profile in Courage Award in 2006 in recognition of his consistent opposition while serving as Navy General Counsel to the cruel interrogation of detainees in the post-9\/11 period. His detainee-related activities at the Navy have been widely reported in periodicals, books and documentaries. In 2013, he was included in Mariana Cook\u2019s book Justice as one of 99 individuals who had made significant contributions to human rights.","url":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/author\/moraalberto\/"}]}},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/GettyImages-2255807070.jpg?fit=1920%2C1280&ssl=1","jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p5gGh3-xxw","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/128930","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3462"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=128930"}],"version-history":[{"count":9,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/128930\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":129077,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/128930\/revisions\/129077"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/128945"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=128930"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=128930"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=128930"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justsecurity.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=128930"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}